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Military Order of the Loyal Legion 
of the United States 

Commandery of the District of Columbia 



AN ADDRESS 

Delivered at the Stated Meeting of 
November 7, 1917 



By 

THE COMMANDER 
Second Lieutenant STANTON J. PEELLE 

United States Volunteers 

On his election as Commander of the Commandery 

May 2, 1917 



AN ADDRESS 

Delivered at the Stated Meeting 

of 
NOVEMBER 7, 1917 



By 

THE COMMANDER 
Second Lieutenant STANTON J. PEELLE 

United States Volunteers 

On his election as Commander of the Commandery 

May 2, 1917 



WASHINGTON. D. C. 
1917 






'i^-^' 






LOYAL LEGION 

Inasmuch as on the night of my installation as Commander, 
it devolved upon me to say a few words of welcome to the 
distinguished French Delegation, headed by Marshal JofTre, 
it may not be out of place for me at this time to express to 
you my deep sense of gratitude for the honor conferred in 
electing me Commander of this patriotic Order. 

This Commandery was born out of trust in God and love 
for a united country ; dedicated to the memories and associa- 
tions arising out of the War of the Rebellion waged for the 
common benefit of the people, North and South. And while 
defeat or failure in any undertaking is most always attended 
with ill-feeling, and sometimes blind hate, yet time eventually 
levels all differences and the common brotherhood of man 
asserts itself. 

So It is with us today, and our people, irrespective of past 
differences or political affiliations, are united in defense, not 
only of our common country, but for the peace of the world : 
to the end that the tyranny of military autocracy shall be sup- 
pressed and the people allowed to control their own destinies. 
What a gigantic missionary undertaking, but the command is 
to go. The world needs us, and it is the only way to insure the 
people equal liberty and justice. In imitation of Christ, some 
must die to make men free. Those who so die have the 
greater gain, as death is but a new birth to a higher and a 
better calling; so that those who go to the trenches, whether 
they return or not, will reflect more glory and honor on their 
country and themselves than they can possibly do by remain- 
ing at home. 

The European War, now in its fourth year, has no parallel 
in history, and is being waged with new and improved instru- 

8 



ments of destruction and methods worse than savagery. The 
war began after careful preparation by the authorities of 
Germany, in violation of treaty obligations and in defiance of 
common humanity. It was born out of a brain soaked with 
ambition to rule Europe, and, too, while honest nations and 
peoples were striving to live at peace. 

It is the story of Naboth and Ahab, only the Emperor of 
Germany is the Jezebel who wrote the letter directing how 
the trap should be set to steal the vineyard ; and then to conceal 
his tracks he absented himself for a short time from his coun- 
try. The trick worked but Elijah still lives, and the Emperor 
of Germany, like Ahab, will inquire of him, "Hast thou found 
me, O mine enemy !" and the answer will be "I have found 
thee," and because of his greater sin, the blood of Naboth shall 
be upon him, even though he may humble himself and put on 
sack cloth. He may have had abettors, but he is the head. 

I have been forced to the belief in retribution. It cannot 
be that God intended brute force should rule the world and 
thereby dwarf the intellect and manhood of His creatures, and 
the guilty go unpunished. The war is robbing the world of its 
young manhood and womanhood, but as in the War of the 
Rebellion, we fought not alone for ourselves but for unborn 
generations, so now with our Allies, we fight to liberate man- 
kind from the bondage of military autocracy, that all men may 
enjoy equal freedom and justice, which democracy insures. 
The people, while they may enslave themselves by sin, will 
not voluntarily do so by political action. 

A single ruler, with his war lords behind him, is responsible 
for this war. It was conceived in sin and in disregard of all 
law and morals ; and while it may result in discipline, to draw 
us closer to God, the perpetrators are doomed, even though 
we should not live to see it. The verdict against such power 



is recorded in Holy Writ. The Holy Chancellor has heard 
the cries of the millions. The decree has been entered, and 
while its enforcement is being resisted by our enemies, and a 
few traitors in our midst, we are called upon to uphold it. The 
misery, death and destruction caused by the Emperor's acts, 
have been written in blood in every household affected, and 
will burn with holy fire until the cause of the war has been 
obliterated by repentance and restitution ; and even then, God 
help us to forgive. 

I repeat there is no foundation for this war except the will 
and mtrigue of the German Emperor, planned years before it 
came. The assassination of the heir to the Austrian throne- 
now claimed to have been inspired in Germany because the 
duke was not in harmony with the Emperor's ambition to rule 
Europe— could have been atoned for, in the judgment of man- 
kind, by trial and punishment, and would have been, as the 
Serbian Government promised, but for the pretext of suspicion 
by the Austrian Emperor, that the procedure and punishment 
might not be open and fair; so to cap the climax and meet 
the demands of the German Emperor, Serbia was asked to 
surrender her sovereignty by permitting the agents of Austria 
to censor the trial. It was known that Serbia would not and 
could not, in honor, do so; and hence the ultimatum, which 
in effect was written or outlined by the German Emperor, 
as is now known, quite a month before war was declared by 
Austria. This ultimatum sprung the trap set by the Emperor of 
Germany, and he speedily returned home. Thus was brought 
on the war for which the German autocracy had been preparing 
and intriguing for at least forty years, and, too, at a time, 
strange to say, when her manufacturing interests were the most 
prosperous of any period in her history. But insatiate greed 
for power knows no limits within moral bounds. 



6 

The contest may well be regarded as between two systems of 
government, made so by the acts of the emperors of Ger- 
many and Austria ; and as underneath rests the liberty or 
eventual serfdom of mankind, we, the foremost democracy 
in the world, rally to the defense of freedom and democracy. 
Democracy has no will but the people's and she is content to 
abide within her own realm. 

The German Emperor, doubtless goaded by the heir ap- 
parent and other military advisers, was restless to test his mili- 
tary strength after his long preparation; especially as the 
Socialists were becoming restless under military domination 
and the conseqent burdens it imposed. Again I repeat that the 
war in Europe was begun by the Emperor of Germany, and 
if aided by the senile Emperor of Austria, was without cause, 
other than to enlarge and maintain an autocratic throne. The 
appeals from England, France and Russia, for adjustment by 
arbitration, had no effect, as all sense of moral responsibility 
had been absorbed in ambition for power. Hence the first 
move that Germany made, following this causeless war, was 
to violate her treaty by invading Belgium, a concededly inno- 
cent party. The resources of the country had been heavily 
taxed for forty years to create and maintain her large stand- 
ing army and navy. 

The conquest of Europe was dominant in the brain of the 
Emperor, as shown by his long correspondence with the Czar 
of Russia, and now was the time to strike, while England and 
France were, in a large measure, unprepared. The objective 
was to reach Paris through Belgium, and then, holding Paris, 
withdraw sufficient troops to defeat the Russian Army in the 
East, then to invade England and, finally, with the combined 
help of the captured navies to invade the United States for 
reimbursement. 



The Russian Army under its brave leader, doubtless ignorant 
of what had transpired between the Emperor of Germany and 
the Czar of Russia, made fine headway, and was driving the 
Austrian forces back, but the Emperor lent a hand, and the 
failure of the Czar to furnish the necessary supplies, which it 
is now known he could have done, compelled his army to re- 
treat, and surrender Warsaw. Was the Czar willing to dis- 
honor his own country to aid Germany in her objective con- 
quest of England and France? Revolution in Russia was the 
result, but the future must answer this question more definitely. 
Little Belgium proved to be the Gibraltar that blocked the 
move on Paris ; and while the German military forces were 
apparently making inroads on Paris, England and Japan were 
seizing the foreign possessions of Germany. Commercially, 
Germany is ofif the sea, though an underseas pirate. England 
and France are carrying on their commercial relations with 
other countries, and with our aid can continue to do so in- 
definitely. The German Navy is bottled up. True, her land 
and submarine forces are quite busy, but she has failed in her 
original objective ; and even if she should finally get control 
of the wheat fields of Russia, she could not by that means dis- 
lodge England and France — to say nothing of the United 
States — so as to again get access to the sea. She is doing im- 
mense damage, and apparently holding her own, but her ob- 
jective on land and sea has failed. All this so far without 
the aid of the Army and Navy of the United States, except in 
a limited way. 

When our troops get into the war in force, my judgment 
is the end will soon be in sight, not because of the superiority 
or great number of our troops, but because the United States 
are not only with but are behind her Allies, for whatever 
financial and military support may be necessary to terminate 



8 

the war. Nearly ten million of young men have been registered, 
and nearly a million of them have already been accepted, and 
perhaps 200,000 or more of them, are now in France, while the 
residue are in training for active service and more are to follow. 

General Pershing, it is true, occupies a most trying position, 
for certain it is that the German forces will make a most des- 
perate effort to crush him, the moment his army in force enters 
the fray; but the troops under him are of the best, bravest and 
hardiest type, and have had intensive training both in this 
country and in France. 

While we have been slow in preparation, marvels have been 
accomplished in that line in the past seven months, in every 
arm of the service. Our country is a vast beehive of soldiers ; 
and aside from a small percentage of traitors, the people are 
united and determined. Our country has been forced into the 
war by the illegal and criminal acts of the German military and 
naval power. The question confronting us was whether we 
would yield our sovereign rights and national honor, or unite 
with the Allies. We chose the latter. 

Our President has said that the United States seek no ad- 
vantage, no conquest, nor do they seek indemnities. We have 
united with the Allies because they are fighting for what our 
Republic stands for; for what our Revolutionary Fathers 
handed down to us, and what we fought to maintain in the 
War of the Rebellion. It has always been a matter of pride 
with me, with my Quaker ancestry, that in the War of the 
Rebellion, we were fighting for our enemies as well as for our- 
selves. That is, we were fighting to maintain, unbroken, a 
united country, in which they, as well as we, could have equal 
privileges and rights. They recognize this, and today thank 
God we are side by side in the struggle to maintain and pre- 
serve not only our institutions, but the equal freedom of the 



9 

world, to the end that war shall be no more, and when equal 
justice shall be meted out to all peoples under the guarantee of 
democracy. 

The struggle is desperate because of the long, and thorough 
preparation of Germany, more gifted in military matters than 
we, and because of the desperate efforts which an insane delu- 
sion for power engenders ; but our cause is just, as we are fight- 
ing for the freedom of the German people as well as for those 
of our Allies and ourselves. To accomplish these results we 
may have to imitate, to some extent, the methods of German 
warfare, but not by dropping bombs on hospitals, or on inno- 
cent men, women and children. 

When flying machines, like blackbirds, are over German 
soil, seeking ammunition plants and military stores and troops, 
Germany may then take notice of what war means at home. 
She may recall the Golden Rule and the teachings of Luther. 
I believe Germany will make a last desperate effort with her 
navy, on the ground that, if defeat is to come, they might better 
yield with the navy gone than surrender with a semblance of 
power yet unused. In other words, Germany, as she says to her 
people, is fighting for her life; thus implying that if defeat 
should come, the destruction of Germany might be deemed just 
by her enemies. But such is not the theory or intention of 
the Allies, much less of the United States. We are seeking 
only to destroy the poison in the German Government, and 
thereby end military autocracy. When that is accomplished 
and terms of peace can be agreed upon by a responsible and 
trustworthy power, and just reparation made for the wrongs 
done, the war will end, and not before. 

The helmet of the Allies is peace with justice — a justice that 
will consume the canker of war and let men and nations live 
at peace. God grant that it may speedily come. 
Again I thank you for the honor done me. 



H 29 89 








JDERY INC. 

^ NOV 89 



